Everyone
knows that it takes money to run for office; the higher the office,
the more money it takes.
That's
why we have laws governing how campaign money can be raised, and more
more laws governing how it can be spent. And more laws again
requiring full disclosure of where every dollar came from, and where
it all went.
This
week, Canadians discovered that from as far back as the last three
federal elections, there are still 39 candidates who together owe
almost three quarters of a million dollars in borrowed funds that has
not been repaid.
The
percentage of deadbeat candidates for Parliament, compared to the
general populace, is not encouraging.
Much
of those debts, the candidates likely owe themselves. Raising money
via donations isn't easy (just ask the manager of any of Red Deer's
non-profits), but I imagine raising money to finance an election
campaign must be even harder.
Therefore,
many people running for office must necessarily be wealthy enough to
largely finance their own campaigns.
Except
doing so exclusively isn't legal.
Unlike
the United States, where spending money on electioneering is
considered part of free speech guaranteed by their constitution,
Canadians have embraced a far more frugal view of democracy.
The
right to hold office must not be restricted to billionaires, or to
people willing to promise favour to wealthy individuals who back
their candidacy.
That's
the theory, anyway. Cynics are invited to insert their comments here.
But
suppose you want to lead a federal political party. Getting there —
especially in Canada where such a campaign involves a whole lot of
travel — requires a serious outlay of cash.
There
are legal budget limits, however. These days, Liberal candidates
seeking to become the next Justin Trudeau are allowed a total of
$950,000 for their camapigns. Given the vast amounts we are used to
seeing spent by parties in federal elections, that doesn't seem like
much.
But
try raising it $1,200 or less at a time. That's the current allowable
donation limit (the figure is subject to change due to inflation).
The result is that only the perceived favourite — like Trudeau —
would ever be able to gather the hundreds of thousands of individual
donations that would bring one even close to that limit.
So
“loans” for these campaigns are allowed. They must all be
reported to Elections Canada, and they all must be paid back within
18 months of the end of the campaign, or they risk being ruled as
illegal donations.
You
can see how a losing candidate would have an extremely difficult time
raising hundreds of thousands to repay loans for expenses in an
election they have already lost.
In
the 2006 Liberal leadership campaign that elected Stephane Dion, the
borrowing and spending limits were much higher, leading to the
embarrassing picture of a Ken Dryden still unable to settle accounts
with Elections Canada for his campaign. Even after he was given
multiple extensions to the rule that requires him to pay back the
money ($225,000, much of which he likely “borrowed” from
himself).
Would
you be willing today to fork out a couple hundred at a fundraising
dinner to hear Dryden speak on, say, social development (a portfolio
he held as a member of cabinet)? He did manage to secure national
agreements on early learning and child care, you know.
Not
interested? Understandable. Understandable also is Dryden's
predicament.
Likewise
the alacrity of the federal Conservatives to press the point. The
guys who wrote the new rules for election spending midway through the
Liberals' 2006 leadership campaign are not happy that the
commissioner for Elections Canada is not taking these deadbeat bums
to court.
Yves
Cote ruled the laws requiring the payback of these loans are not
enforceable in a criminal court. Therefore, he can only suggest that
the people who still owe money for their losing campaigns work a bit
harder to settle accounts.
Raising
large amounts of cash in bits and pieces has become a specialty of
the federal Tories. The new rules definitely favour their team.
They
introduced legislation in 2011 to fix what chief electoral officer
Marc Mayrand said renders the Canada Election Act incoherent and
ineffective, but those corrections didn't get a ticket on the
Conservative omnibus.
As
far as I can see, “incoherent and ineffective” give a big
advantage to the Conservatives.
The
other parties will need more coherent and effective platforms to win
the widespread support that is now needed to fund their campaigns. To
win, you must . . . well, win.
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