A conference of academics held over a
5-day long weekend, when more people are watching rain clouds than
news reports, is hardly a time to make a splash of chatter among
Canadians.
But such a conference was held last weekend at McGill
University. It drew more than 100 speakers, and what they had to say
should not be lost, just because there were important soccer games on
the telly, and even more important meals cooking on the barby.
So let's spare a moment or two to think
about their topic: a guaranteed minimum income plan to reduce the
effects of poverty.
Now there's a idea that doesn't get a
lot of traction in a place like Alberta, where it's an article of
faith that good people work for good pay and people who don't work .
. . may not be so good.
But even here, where the good people
want to keep more of their good pay, people who crunch numbers
suggest a program ensuring every person has the means to cover the
cost of basic living may be cheaper than the patchwork quilt of
social programs that provides more warmth for bureaucracy than people
in need.
Here's the question the conference was
talking about: if government ensured that no adult earned less than
$20,000 a year, would the nation as a whole be better off?
In the minds of most of the academics
at the conference, the answer is yes.
Half of all families in Canada make
less than $76,000 in total income, half make more. On average, an
employed Canadian makes $48,250 a year.
The low-income cutoff — one of the
best understood measures of poverty in an industrialized country like
ours — is 50 per cent of the median income, with adjustments for
local factors like housing and transportation costs.
In Ontario, (where I was able to find
data easily enough for discussion purposes) the LICO for a family of
two adults and one child is $28,000. Federal statistics tell us that
of all the families below the LICO standard, just under half have
members who work.
That makes them good people, right?
But boosting this family's income to
$40,000 with direct federal subsidies is a rather large step. You'd
have to find a lot of tax savings from other programs — and
convince a lot of taxpayers that doing this is worthwhile — for the
idea to fly.
So first, where would the savings come
from?
Well, here's an unintended boost that
might have helped former Tory party leader Tim Hudak in Ontario last
month: a guaranteed income plan needs only a federal tax return to
qualify. Administration would cost no more than expanding the system
that sends GST refund cheques to low-income Canadians.
There would be no army of caseworkers
doing screening interviews, scrutinizing documents, keeping track of
monthly earning statements and doing follow-up visits with welfare
clients. There would be no bureaucracy watching how much a disabled
person earns working part-time, in case the next month's support
cheque can show a deduction.
That's more than the 100,000 civil
servants in Tim Hudak's Ontario to lay off the public payroll.
Where $12,750 for an individual on
welfare in Alberta becomes a trap against trying to re-enter the
workforce (you lose your benefits if you try — it's practically a
100-per-cent tax on income), $20,000 becomes a more comfortable floor
(with a roof over your head).
A person on the program can attempt to
find work at the bottom of the income scale, knowing the gap between
wages and expenses can always be covered.
A retired guy — like me — can leave
a job after 40 years and be a volunteer. StatsCan puts the value of
volunteer work at about $50 billion a year. Include stay-at-home
parents and all other types of unpaid work, and that total rises to
about $297 billion a year.
Crime costs attributable to poverty
would drop $1 billion to $2 billion a year, according to the
academics at the conference. Health care costs attributable to low
income could drop anywhere between $8 billion and $17 billion a year.
And there's that old study from
Dauphin, Manitoba to consider. A guaranteed annual income experiment
was done there under Pierre Trudeau in the 1970s. The data from that
was compiled, but never digitized and fully studied, and only
recently have academics begun sifting through boxes of documents in
archives, to quantify what really happened when everyone in town was
guaranteed a minimum income.
All we know is that a socialist
Armageddon of layabouts did not rise in Dauphin. Poor people still
went to work, their kids stayed in school longer, and had better
lives.
They were good people. Are good people
worth $20,000 a year?
Now that we're over the five-day break,
let's not allow what was said at this conference to simply fade away.
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